A toto je pre českých (alebo aj inonárodných) šovinistov a malomeštiackych obmedzencov, ktorí s obľubou nazývajú Rusov poloaziatmi a Slovákov potomkami "Maďara a ovce" a ešte tým Slovákom tvrdia, že sú nacionalisti:-)) Z nasledujúcich charakteristík situácie  na Ukrajine "po Majdane" by mohli pochopiť, že pán prezident Zeman má k tomuto medzinárodnému problému veľmi správny postoj. Ale vieme, že to je nad ich možnosti:-))-

Olga Ostriichuk, an independent researcher, has studied the division of Ukraine in collective memory and the interpretation of the past. Last year, she authored a book in French, "Les Ukrainiens face à leur passé" (Ukrainians Face Their Past) with Peter Lang Publishing (Brussels) which looks into the social fracture of Western and Eastern Ukraine, based on diverging narratives of the history of the country and interpretation of key elements of the Ukrainian national identity – the poet Shevchenko, the Holodomor (Great Famine of 1932-33), and the catastrophy of World War Two from 1941-1945. Ostriichuk's talk was titled "'L'Ukraineau-dessus de tou't: le rôle de l'extrême-droite dans la reconquista nationale" ("Ukraine above all' - the role of extreme right in the national reconquest") She reflected on how the nationalist parties conquered not only the physical space of the Euromaidan, but also the minds of people. In this mental reconquest, a post-Soviet mentality was replaced by a mentality of heightened nationalism.

For those who wanted to hear and see, it was clear that the demands of the Maidan were formulated and supported, above all, by people from Western Ukraine. There was a great deal of logistical support and car-pooling to feed the contestations on Maidan Square in Kyiv, including the occupation of governmental buildings on Maidan from the start, in December, when there was no violence on Maidan. Nationalist slogans, such as "Ukraine above all," were shouted on Maidan all throughout, so much so that they became trivial. Nationalist themes were recreated on Maidan with symbols, folk costumes, slogans, a strong presence of nationalist flags, especially those of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists. All these veryquickly replaced symbols of the European Union. All of this led to the radicalization of Maidan and of the Ukrainian society at large.

This nationalist radicalization has been a gradual process, culminating with the emergence of "Svoboda," an extreme-right party. It began to rise in 2004-2006, capitalizing on grievances and quarrels within the pro-western, "Orange" camp. The party gained important support not only in its stronghold – Western Ukraine - but also in Central Ukraine and in Kyiv. This success on the national level is due to a great extent to the involvement of Svoboda in identity and memory politics. Svoboda is involved very much in destroying and transforming symbols of the Communist past and constructing new, nationalist monuments. It has supported monuments to the Heroes of the "Celestial Hundred" (the victims of political violence in Maidan Square in January and February 2014) and people who died in this year's war in Eastern Ukraine. Today, there are many events which mobilize the nationalist memory and the propagation of nationalist ideas – folk festivals, commemorations, commemorative services, archeology, public posters, as well as more direct measures such as pressuring voters.

Nationalism, coupled with religious fervor and mobilization of memory, becomes murderous and violent. Without the hyper activism of Ukrainians from the West on Maidan Square and without the support of the Ukrainian Diaspora in North America, the processes we observe today would not have been possible. Society would not have been able to mobilize to such an extent, to change to such an extent. Given the scale of crisis, the process of reconciliation and healing of this society will be particularly long anddifficult, Ostriichuk argued.

Halyna Mokrushyna, part-time professor of sociology at the University of Ottawa, spoke in her presentation about the Donbas region's identity, about Donbas' demands to obtain regional autonomy and Kyiv's stubborn refusal to listen, and about Donbas' rebellion in the wake of Euromaidan. Based on various sociological data between 2006 and 2014, she showed that Donbas residents are Ukrainian citizens with a strong regional identity that values Russian language, pro-Russian foreign policy orientations and a Soviet interpretation of Ukrainian history. For Donbas residents, an ideal Ukraine is a welfare state which provides social protection for its citizens, which preserves peace and stability, and which is strongly present in the international arena. Civil rights and a feeling of Ukrainian nationalism are at the bottom of the priority list for Donbas residents, as compared to Ukrainians in the West.

#28029: -  

 A znovu pro ty, kteří nerozumí textu:

Olga Ostryčuková vydala knihu, jejíž název by se dal  mj. přeložit jako "Aktuální tvář Ukrajinců".

V textu, který nám poskytl náš slovenský obveselovatel, se pokouší hrát na strunu ukrajinského nacionalismu, který bez pochyb existuje.

Co je však zajímavé, odvolává se na neakreditovanou "profesorku" sociologie Otawské University, Halinu Mokrušynovou.

Co se to děje na University of Ottawa (Kanada) ? (Vzpomeň "profesora" Robinsona Pavla, viz výše).